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In a new book about the antiparty feeling of the early political leaders of the United States, Ralph Ketcham argues

that the first six Presidents differed decisively from later Presidents because the first six held values inherited from the classical humanist tradition of eighteenth-century England. In this view, government was designed not to satisfy the private desires of the people but to make them better citizens; this tradition stressed the disinterested devotion of political leaders to the public good. Justice, wisdom, and courage were more important qualities in a leader than the ability to organize voters and win elections. Indeed, leaders were supposed to be called to office rather than to run for office. And if they took up the burdens of public office with a sense of duty, leaders also believed that such offices were naturally their due because of their social preeminence or their contributions to the country. Given this classical conception of leadership, it is not surprising that the first six Presidents condemned political parties. Parties were partial by definition, self-interested, and therefore serving something other than the transcendent public good.

Even during the first presidency (Washington's), however, the classical conception of virtuous leadership was being undermined by commercial forces that had been gathering since at least the beginning of the eighteenth century. Commerce--its profit-making, its self-interestedness, its individualism--became the enemy of these classical ideals. Although Ketcham does not picture the struggle in quite this way, he does rightly see Jackson's tenure (the seventh presidency) as the culmination of the acceptance of party, commerce, and individualism. For the Jacksonians, nonpartisanship lost its relevance, and under the direction of Van Buren, party gained a new legitimacy. The classical ideals of the first six Presidents became identified with a privileged aristocracy, an aristocracy that had to be overcome in order to allow competition between opposing political interests. Ketcham is so strongly committed to justifying the classical ideals, however, that he underestimates the advantages of their decline. For example, the classical conception of leadership was incompatible with our modern notion of the freedoms of speech and press, freedoms intimately associated with the legitimacy of opposing political parties.

According to the passage, the author and Ketcham agree on

which of the following points?

(A) The first six Presidents held the same ideas about political parties as did later Presidents in the United States.

(B) Classical ideals supported the growth of commercial forces in the United States.

(D) The first six Presidents placed great emphasis on individualism and civil rights.

(E) Widespread acceptance of political parties occurred during Andrew Jackson's presidency.

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這個題目定

位在第三段，只有在作者發(fā)表觀點的段落才能看出作者的態(tài)度，即作者同意哪些觀點，反對哪些觀點。 (A)前6位總統(tǒng)和以后的美國總統(tǒng)對政黨有相同的觀點。兩個人都認為前6位和以后的總統(tǒng)在對待政黨問題上看法迥異。這個選項說反了。 (B)古典的理想支持在美國生長商業(yè)力量。定位在“Commerce--its profit-making, its self-interestedness, its individualism--became the enemy of these classical ideals. ”和其的一句“Although Ketcham does not picture the struggle in quite this way, he does rightly see Jackson's tenure (the seventh presidency) as the culmination of the acceptance of party, commerce, and individualism. ”顯然看出，兩個人都是不這么認為的。尤其是作者。 (C)在美國的第一個政黨是在“Van Buren”的任期中建立的。關鍵詞出現(xiàn)在這句話中“For the Jacksonians, nonpartisanship lost its relevance, and under the direction of Van Buren, party gained a new legitimacy. ”從中也可以看出政黨是有了新的合法性。也說明了政黨不是這個時候才建立的。 (D)前6位總統(tǒng)很強調(diào)公民權和利己主義。還是可以定位到選項B中的那句話，說明至少利己主義是在前6位總統(tǒng)時期是不被認同的。公民權文中沒有被提到。 (E)Correct。在“Andrew Jackson”的任期政黨被廣泛接受。定位在“he does rightly see Jackson's tenure (the seventh presidency) as the culmination of the acceptance of party, commerce, and individualism. ”是作者對“Ketcham”觀點的評價也是認同。同時說明了在“Andrew Jackson”時期，政黨被廣泛接受。